Table of Contents
Part I: Fossil Remains of Early Man
and the Record of Genesis
An Alternative Faith
WHETHER WE believe
that the Flood in Noah's day was geographically local or universal,
many who read this Paper will most certainly agree that from
the point of view of the world's human population the Flood was
an overwhelming catastrophe, which left this earth with eight
sole human survivors. The same basic agreement would, I believe,
be found with respect to the period of time which has elapsed
since these eight souls began to re-people the world, a period
which cannot be much more than four or five thousand years at
It seems unlikely, even making
all conceivable allowances for gaps in genealogies which some
are persuaded must exist, (34) that one could push back the date of the Flood beyond
a few thousand years B.C. In this, we are forced to conclude
that, except for those who lived between Adam and Noah and were
overwhelmed by the Flood and whose remains I believe are not
very likely to be found, all fossil men, all prehistoric cultures,
all primitive communities of the past or the present, and all
civilizations since, must be encompassed within this span of
a few thousand years. On the face of it the proposal seems utterly
However, I think there are lines
of evidence of considerable substance in support of it. In setting
this forth all kinds of "buts" will arise in the reader's
mind if he has any broad knowledge of current physical anthropology.
An attempt is made to deal specifically with a number of these
"buts" in other Doorway Papers by the author, (35) but some problems remain
unsolved, particularly the
34. On the question of gaps in the Biblical
genealogies, see "The Genealogies of the Bible," Part
V in Hidden Things of God's Revelation, vol.7 in The
Doorway Papers Series.
1 of 10
35. Custance, A. C., "The Supposed Evolution of the Human Skull,"
Part IV; "Primitive Cultures:
A Second Look at the Problem of Their Historical Origins," Part
II; and "The Fallacy of Anthropological Reconstructions,"
Part V; in Genesis and Early
Man, vol.2 in The Doorway Papers Series.
question of the time
element. However, one does not have to solve every problem before
presenting a hypothetical reconstruction. After all, the prevailing
view is shot full of them and yet it is still held to be a respectable
But it may be worthwhile to note
how consistently the time factor in so many prehistoric sequences
has tended always to be reduced rather than extended. There is
only one possible exception. The exception relates to the duration
of Pleistocene times which have been extended to almost double
the original period. The shorter period proved in certain ways
a source of embarrassment because more events had to be crowded
into it than was considered feasible. But apart from this one
exception, the rule of reduction is almost otherwise unbroken.
Some reductions are so drastic as to put a big question mark
against the validity of datings which remain unchallenged at
In 1953, during a symposium on
anthropology which was published subsequently by Chicago University
Press and which provided up to that time a kind of "last
word" on the position of modern anthropologists, there are
frequent notices of drastic reductions.
After careful criticisms of Zeuner's
dating system as set forth in his classic study entitled "Dating
the Past," we are presented with a series of incidences
in which dates have been severely cut. (36) For example, a date of 10,000 years ago is reduced
to 3,000, a date of 18,000 to 10,000, a date of 25,000 to 11,000,
and a date of 1,000,000 to 50,000! And in a companion volume,
the Magdelanian Culture once dated from 50,000 to 18,000 years
ago is now dated from 15,000 to 8,000 years ago. (37)
In another Doorway Paper it is
my intention to give a substantial number of examples of reductions
of this kind which have been espoused, not by anti-evolutionists,
but by those who hold firmly to a belief in man's evolution and
who justify the reductions they propose on the basis of evidence
which is now available and which is far more substantial and
solidly based than was the evidence upon which the original expansive
claims were made. Yet for all this, the public is still invited
to think of man's origins as being rooted in a past so distant
that the biblical chronology is made to appear utterly absurd.
But only the use of astronomical figures allows the evolutionist
room to float his theories. And this "antiquity" is
presented as unchallengeable still.
36. For some reductions, see Robert Heizer,
"Long Range dating in Archaeology" (pp.9, 13) and Kenneth
Oakley, "Dating Fossil Human Remains", (p.47) in Anthropology
Today, edited by A. L. Kroeber, University of Chicago Press,
1953, pp.13, 9, and 47.
37. See remarks by Graham Clark in a panel at a Symposium in
1953 on "Problems of the Approach Methods", Appraisal
of Anthropology Today, edited by Sol Tax and Charles Callender,
University Chicago Press 1953, p.7.
Many of the dates which
are proposed are claimed to have been based upon physical and
chemical processes which serve as time markers with strict objectivity.
Unfortunately (or fortunately) some of these processes are perhaps
being misread. A classical example was the estimate made by Lyell
for the time which had been occupied since the Niagara River
began to erode the lip of the Falls. He allowed a certain number
of inches per year ending up with 30,000 to 100,000 years. This
was what we were taught in university as the time at which the
North American ice sheet retreated far enough to allow the water
to drain over the escarpment at Queenston Heights. Many surveys
have been made since that time (38) and more accurate data have established the fact
that Lyell may have been by as much as 90,000 years wrong. Similarly,
Antevs, (39) studying
certain vanished lakes in the southern Californian desert, believed
that they should have been dated about 25,000 years ago, but
he now dates them at less than 10,000 years ago.
Many dates from proto- or early
historic times have also been drastically reduced, as for example,
Pendelbury concludes that the Neolithic Minoan culture must be
brought down from 8,000 B.C. to 4,000 B.C. (40) This reduction resulted from the finding that whereas
the accumulation of debris in Cnossos which was about 8 meters
thick and that had been estimated to take 5100 years to form,
is now believed to have been formed in between six and eight
There are some other truly fantastic
"potential" reductions. For example, Ernst Berl in
1940 developed a process for converting carbohydrate-containing
material to coal and oil in one hour. (41) By contrast geologists currently hold that the coal
beds took millions of years to form. John Klotz refers to a similar
process of oil formation which was once believed to have taken
several million years to complete but is now known to be possible
in a few thousand years. (42) Boucher de Perthes, who estimated the age of certain
Neanderthal remains in France, based his figures on the supposition
that it took up to 20,000 years to deposit certain peat beds
26 feet deep. However, an American investigator found birch trunks
three feet high in these
38. For a series of maps see "Note on
Niagara Falls," Transactions of the Victoria Institute,
vol.19, 1885, p. 90-92. And for a bibliography covering reports
of surveys, see "Literature on Niagara Falls," Transactions
of the Victoria Institute, vol.40, 1908, p.76.
39. Antevs, Ernst: quoted by Kenneth Macgowan, Early Man in
the New World, Macmillan, New York, 1950, p.121.
40. Pendelbury, J. D. S., Archaeology in Crete, Methuen,
New York, 1939, p.43.
41. Berl, Ernst, referred to by John DeVries, Beyond the Atom,
Eerdmans, Grand Rapids, 1950, p.80.
42. Klotz, John, Genes, Genesis, and Evolution, Concordia
Publishers, St. Louis, Missouri., 1955, p.115.
beds, rooted in place
and extending up through from 3,000 to 2,000 years of deposits,
according to de Perthes' estimated age. Roman remains were found
in the peat indicating that it was not over 3,000 years old at
the most. (43)
Much has been written in more recent
times of the fact that anthropologists of an older generation
tended to assume that "ages" were consecutive. Thus,
having estimated the period supposedly occupied by Paleolithic
Man, Mesolithic Man, and Neolithic Man, the sum of adding all
these together was supposed to give a picture of the time involved.
It is now realized that various ages may have been contemporaneous,
just as the Indians of North America were still in a Stone Age
when the Industrial Revolution began in Europe and some Australian
aborigines were still in a Stone Age when the first atom bomb
was dropped on Hiroshima. Hallam Movius, (44) in a paper entitled "Old World Prehistory: Paleolithic,"
in speaking of cultural contemporaneity, remarked, "In this
connection it is of significance to note that all [his
emphasis] the fundamental processes used by Paleolithic Man in
Europe to produce tools are being used today, or have been employed
during recent times by the Australian aborigine."
One of the first to call attention
to such parallelisms was Sir Edward Tylor who, speaking before
the Archaeological Institute in England in 1905, made the following
I am now able to select and
exhibit to the Institute from among the flint implements and
flakes from the cave of Le Moustier, in Dordogne, specimens corresponding
in make with such curious exactness to those of the Tasmanian
natives, that were it not for the different stone they are chipped
from, it would be hardly possible to distinguish them.
Of course, the
kind of time frame which is in view here is still nowhere near
the traditional time frame of the Bible, even interpreted in
the most expansive way that a genuine respect for its data will
Concerning C14 dating techniques there are, however, serious doubts
being raised by men who nevertheless wholeheartedly accept the
view that Man has evolved through a long slow process. As a
43. Boucher de Perthes: quoted by Harold W.
Clark, The New Diluvialism, Science Publication, Angwin,
California, 1946, p.187.
44. Movius, Hallam L., "Old World Prehistory: Paleolithic,"
in Anthropology Today, edited by A. L. Kroeber, University
of Chicago Press, 1953, p.163.
45. Tylor, Sir Edward: quoted by W.J. Sollas, "The Tasmanians"
in The Making of Man, edited by V. F. Calverton, Modern
Library, Random House, New York, 1931, p.89.
Charles A. Reed, in an article on animal domestication in the
prehistoric Near East, wrote as follows: (46)
A last difficulty, and at the
moment one of the most frustrating is the failure of the radiocarbon
(C14) technique to yield dates of certain
dependability. Although it was hailed as the answer to the prehistorian's
prayer when it was first announced, there has been increasing
disillusion with the method because of the chronological uncertainties
(in some cases, absurdities) that would follow a strict adherence
to published C14 dates.
This is not to question the validity
of the physical laws underlying the principle used or the accuracy
of the counters now in operation around the world; the unsolved
problem, instead, seems to lie in the difficulty of securing
samples completely free from either younger or older adherent
At least to the present, no kind
or degree of chemical cleaning can guarantee one-age carbon,
typical only of the time of the site from which it was excavated.
What bids to become a classical
example of "C14 irresponsibility"
is the 6000-year spread of 11 determinations for Jarmo, a prehistoric
village in northern Iraq, which, on the basis of all archaeological
evidence, was not occupied for more than 500 consecutive years.
Some use has
been made of stalagmite and stalactite growth rates to determine
"ages since." The principle is that if a certain stalagmite
has built up to a certain height over some particular fossil
remain or artifact, and if one knows approximately the rate at
which it grows, then one can estimate a minimum time for the
fossil remains. However, John Curry, writing in Nature,
(47) was able to
show that a stalagmite approximately 15 years old from a lead
mine exactly paralleled in form and height a stalagmite which
in association with human remains had been estimated by the experts
as being 290,800 years old. I am not suggesting that similar
mistakes are being made today, but the fact remains that depth
of burial is still considered a very important index of probable
age ‹ by a rather similar process of reasoning which could
be equally faulty. Some time ago during the excavation of a site
in Australia a miner's pick was found at a depth of 20 feet,
which as it turned out afterwards, proved to have been lost by
the owner only 60 years previously. (48) As the report says, "How it worked its way down
to this depth is a total mystery." It could be true of other
It is even being held by some authorities
that the association of human bones with the bones of supposedly
long extinct animals may not be proof of the antiquity of man
but rather that these animals
46. Reed, Charles A., "Animal Domestication
in Prehistoric Near East," Science, vol.130, 11 Dec.,
47. Curry, John, Nature, Dec.18, 1873, p.122.
48. Miner's pick: noted by Dr. S. Thornton, "Problems of
Aboriginal Art in Australia," Transactions of the Victoria
Institute, London, vol.30, 1896, p.229.
survived into much more
recent times than was formerly believed. (49) I am convinced that we do not yet need to surrender
the position that Scripture seems to me to take rather clearly,
namely, that the human race began with Adam's creation only a
few thousand years ago.
| Now it is our contention that
Noah and his family were real people, sole survivors of a major
catastrophe, the chief effect of which were to obliterate the
previous civilization which had developed from Adam to that time.
When the Ark grounded, there were eight people alive in the world,
and no more.
Landing somewhere in the highlands
north of Mesopotamia, they began to spread as they multiplied,
though retaining for some time a homogeneous cultural tradition.
The initial family pattern, set by the existence in the party
of three sons and their wives, gave rise in the course of time
to three distinct families of man who, according to their patriarchal
lineage, may appropriately be termed Japhethites, Hamites, and
Shemites, but in modern terminology would be represented by the
Indo-Europeans (Caucasoid), the Mongoloid and Negroid peoples,
and the Semites (Hebrews, Arabs, and some more ancient branches
of the family such as the Assyrians, etc.).
At first they kept together, but
within a century or so they began to break up. Subsequently some
of the family of Shem, some of the family of Ham, and perhaps
a few of the family of Japheth arrived from the East in the southern
section of the Mesopotamian Plain. (50) Here it would appear from the evidence discussed
elsewhere by the author, (51) the family of Ham became politically dominant, initiated
a movement to prevent any further dispersal by the erection of
a monument high enough to be a visible rallying point on the
flat plain, and brought upon themselves a judgment which led
to their being forcibly and rapidly scattered to the four corners
of the earth. Part of this we know only from the Bible; but part
of it we know also from archaeological evidence.
The fact is that in every area
of the world where Japhethites have subsequently settled, they
have always been preceded by Hamites.
49. Man and Prehistoric Animals: see, for
example, William Howells, Mankind So Far, Doubleday, Doran,
New York, 1945, p.267. Also Ashley Montagu, in Introduction
to Physical Anthropology, Thomas, Springfield, Missouri.,
50. The existence of the three "families" at this time
is noted by Vere G. Childe in his New Light on the Most Ancient
East, Kegan Paul London, 1935, p.18, and What Happened
in History, Penguin Books, 1946, p.81.
51. Custance, A. C., "The Part Played by Shem, Ham and Japheth in
Subsequent World History," Part
I; "The Technology of Hamitic People," Part
IV, in Noah's Three Sons, vol.1; and "The Confusion of
Tongues," Part V
in Time and Eternity, vol.6, of The Doorway Papers Series.
This pattern applies
in every continent. In prehistoric times the circumstance seems
always to be true, the earliest fossil remains of man being Mongoloid
or Negroid in character and in head shape, whereas those that
came last belong to the family of Japheth, i.e., Caucasoid. Indeed,
in pre- and early historic times the pattern of events is repeated
again and again, whatever cultural advances the pioneering Hamites
had achieved tended to be swallowed up by the succeeding Japhethites.
The record of Japheth's more leisurely spread (i.e., "enlargement,"
Genesis 9:27) over the earth has been marred consistently by
his destruction of the cultures which were already in existence
wherever he arrived in sufficient force to achieve dominion.
It happened in the Indus Valley, it happened in Central America,
it happened to the Indian tribes of North America, it happened
in Australia, and only numerical superiority of the native population
has hitherto preserved parts of Africa from the same fate.
Now, in spite of the claims made
for and the implications based upon the South African discoveries
of recent years, it still remains true that whether we are speaking
of fossil man, ancient civilizations, contemporary or extinct
native peoples, or the present nations of the world, all lines
of migration which are in any way traceable or deducible seem
to radiate like the spokes of a wheel from the Middle East.
Before presenting some of the evidence
itself, it will be well to summarize briefly what the nature
of this evidence is. Along any migratory route there will be
settlements each of which differs slightly from the one which
preceded it and the one which stems from it. As a general rule,
the direction of movement tends to be reflected in the gradual
loss of cultural artifacts which continue in use back along the
line, but either disappear entirely forwards along the line or
are less effectively copied or merely represented in pictures
or in folklore. When several lines radiate from a single center,
the picture presented is more or less a series of ever increasing
circles of settlements, each sharing fewer and fewer of the original
cultural artifacts which continue at the centre, and each witnesses
the appearance of completely new items developed to satisfy new
needs which were not found at the centre. The further from the
centre one moves along any such routes of migration, the more
new and uniquely specific items one is likely to find which are
not shared by the other lines, but there will yet be preserved
a few particularly useful or important links with the original
home base. Entering such a settlement without previous knowledge
of the direction from which the settlers came, one cannot be
certain which way relationships are to
be traced without some
knowledge of the culture content of settlements up and down the
line in each direction. There is usually, however, some quite
specific type of evidence which allows one to separate the artifacts
which have been brought with newcomers, from those which have
been developed on the site. This is particularly the case whenever
complex items turn up. The materials for making them often would
not be available locally. Sometimes the evidence is second hand,
existing in the form of an article which is dearly a copy and
has something about its construction which proves it to be so.
For example, certain Minoan pottery vessels are clearly copies
of metal prototypes, both in the shape they take and in their
ornamentation. Where the pottery handles of these vessels join
the vessel itself, little knobs of clay are found which serve
no functional purpose but which are clearly an attempt to copy
the rivets which once secured the metal handle to the metal bodies
of the prototype. (52)
These prototypes are found in Asia Minor, and it is therefore
clear which way the line of migration is to be traced, for it
is inconceivable that the pottery vessel with its little knobs
of clay provided the metal worker with the clues as to where
he should place the rivets.
In the earliest migrations which,
if we are guided by the chronology of Scripture, must have been
quite rapid, it was inevitable that the tendency would be markedly
towards a loss of cultural items common to the center as one
moves out, rather than a gain of new items. (53)
Thus the general level of culture would
decline at first, although oral traditions and things like rituals
and religious beliefs tend to be surrendered or changed much
more slowly. In due time, when a large enough body of people
survived in any one place that was hospitable enough to favour
permanent settlement, a new culture centre would arise with many
of the old traditions preserved but some new ones established
of sufficient importance that waves of influence would move out
both forwards and backwards along the lines from which the settlers
Accompanying such cultural losses
in the initial spread of the Hamitic peoples would often be a
certain coarsening of physique. Not only would people tend in
many cases to be unsuited for the rigours of such a pioneering
life and be culturally degraded as a consequence, but food itself
would often prove grossly insufficient or unsuitable to their
unaccustomed tastes, and not infrequently it would at first be
inadequate for the maintenance of full bodily vigour and
52. On this see J. D. S. Pendelbury, The
Archaeology of Crete, Methuen, New York, 1939, p.68; and
V. Gordon Childe, The Dawn of European Civilization, Kegan
Paul, 6th edition, revised, 1967, p.19.
53. Perry, W. J., The Growth of Civilization, Penguin
Books, 1937, p.123.
the development of entirely
normal growth of the young, for dietary disturbances have their
effects upon growth patterns. Indeed, as Dawson long ago observed,
(54) the more highly
cultured an immigrant is when he arrives at a frontier, the more
severely is he handicapped and likely to suffer when robbed of
the familiar accouterments of his previous life. This has been
noted by those who have studied the effects of food deficiencies
upon the form of the human skull, for example, a subject dealt
with in some detail by the author elsewhere. (55) The effect upon the technological achievement of
the newcomers is obvious enough, for a highly educated lady who
had never made bread or mended her own clothes or cultivated
a garden would be far worse off on the frontier when she first
arrived than would a London charwoman. Thus the most likely cause
of a particularly degraded society would, at the beginning, not
be a low cultural background but a high one. And this is certainly
the situation that Genesis presents us with immediately after
Meanwhile, the occasional establishment
along the various routes of migration of what might be called
"provincial" cultural centres whose influences spread
in all directions, would greatly complicate the patterns of cultural
relationship in the earliest times. By and large, the evidence
which does exist strongly supports a Cradle of Mankind in the
Middle East, from which there went out just such successive waves
of pioneers. And these were almost certainly not Indo-Europeans
(i.e., Japhethites). They were Hamitic pioneers, either Mongoloid
or Negroid in type for the most part but with some admixture,
who blazed trails and opened up territories in every habitable
part of the earth often at great cost to their own cultural heritage
and to the detriment of the refined physique still to be found
in their relatives who continued to reside at their point of
origin. In each locality they ultimately either established a
way of life which made maximum use of the resources available,
or circumstances overwhelmed them and they died out leaving a
few scattered remnants behind whose lot must have been appallingly
difficult in their isolation, and whose physical remains bear
witness to the effect. The Japhethites followed them in due course,
often taking advantage of the established technology, as the
Puritans were to do in North America thousands of years later,
sometimes displacing them entirely, sometimes absorbing them
so that the two stocks were fused into one, and sometimes educating
them in new ways and then retiring. India has seen all three
patterns. The Indus Valley people were
54. Dawson, Sir J. William., The Story
of the Earth and Man, Hodder and Stoughton, London, 1903,
overwhelmed and entirely
displaced or absorbed, and this admixture thousands of years
later was once more educated in new ways by a further influx
of Japhetic settlers, who have since surrendered their dominant
As we have already noted, there
is a further factor that bears upon the degenerative form which
so many of the earliest fossils of man seem to show. Although
the life span of man is said to have declined quite rapidly after
the Flood, for several hundred years many people did survive
to what would today be considered an incredible old age. If we
add to the isolation and deprivation of some of these more scattered
early pioneers the possibility of their living well past a hundred
years or perhaps even longer, the ultimate effect upon their
physique would be tremendously accentuated. It has been noted,
in fact, that the skull sutures are almost obliterated in some
specimens, a circumstance which might reasonably be interpreted
as evidence of very extreme old age. Extreme old age would often
tend to modify the skull towards the conventional "man-ape"
So much, then, for the broad picture.
We shall now turn to a more detailed examination of the evidence
(1) that the dispersal of man took place from a centre somewhere
in the Middle East and that this dispersal accounts for fossil
man, and (2) that those who formed the vanguard were of Hamitic
stock, using the term "Hamitic" to mean all the descendants
of Noah who were not in the line of Japheth or Shem.
55. Obliteration of Skull Sutures: Noted by
Sir William Dawson, Meeting Place of Geology and History,
Revell, New York, 1904, p.63 [quoted by James Orr, God's Image
in Man, Eerdmans, Grand Rapids, 1948, p.256, fn.3]. See also
Gy. Acsadi and J. Nemereski, A History of Human Life Span
and Mortality, Budapest, Akademiai Kiado, 1970, p.115f, 140.
Copyright © 1988 Evelyn White. All rights
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